Strangely Ordinary People Essay -- Movie Film Analysis

The movie â€Å"Ordinary People† was a very entertaining and educational movie. It looked into the dynamics of families and showed the different parts and dependencies. It also looked into a type of client/therapist relationship and how it evolved over time. The discussion below will attempt to explore deeper into these aspect of the film. Throughout the film a focus on family and the dynamics is prominent. A traumatic event, the loss of a son, brother, and friend, has influenced the Jarrett greatly. Due to the circumstances in which Conrad, a severely depressed teenager and the main character, was present during the death of his brother, feelings of guilt had built up in this young man. A great deal of stress and tension is built between the family members because of this tragic accident. Here is where the concept of, change in one part of the familial system reverberates through out other parts. (Duty, 2010) The relationship between the Conrad and his mother become even more absent because, in the film it is presented to show that the mother blames and has not forgiven Conrad for the death of his brother Buck. Six months after the death of his brother Conrad attempts suicide with razors in the bathroom of his home. His parents commit him to a psychiatric hospital and eight months later, he is trying to resume his â €Å"old† life. Conrad is socially withdrawn from his friends because of all he has experienced as well as the fact that he was held back in school due to missing so many days. The importance of his family and support is validated here. When looking at one of the most important challenges facing families today, the challenge of instilling â€Å"in its members a sense of belonging while also allowing members to individuate† is s... ...t it does not exist. The rapport and friendship built throughout this movie is vital to the success of the therapy exhibited here. This is a great example of Gestalt therapeutic approach and helps to identify most of the techniques incorporated. The techniques and ways of gently confronting but pushing a client all the way through are very beneficial to each viewer of this film. Works Cited Duty, G. (2010, December 10). Family Systems Therapy. Lecture presented at Principles of Counseling Class Notes, Bethany. Miller, F. C. (1999, September). Using the Movie Ordinary People to Teach Psychodynamic Psychotherapy With Adolescents -- Miller 23 (3): 174 -- Acad Psychiatry. Academic Psychiatry. Retrieved December 10, 2010, from http://ap.psychiatryonline.org/cgi/content/full/23/3/174 Redford, R. (Director). (1980). Ordinary people [Motion picture on DVD

American History-Cold War

This work is an effort to acknowledge the Korean War. This is not an attempt to provide a history. The purpose of this work is to consider the argument that the Korean War was a natural extension of the Cold War and would not have been fought if relations with the U. S and Russia/China were not cold. Many see the Korean War as a mystery. Some parts of it seem almost immune to study and understanding. Statistics tell some things, and chronological narratives can provide a story upon which to hang data and factual information.But the problem is simply that people still do not know very much about the war. It was so complex, both in terms of its causes, and of the progress of the fighting, that the usual methods of reporting do not always tell a clear story. It was (and is) a significant part of American history, and within it are located keys to understanding America's highly transitional role in the increasingly complex world events of the time. The outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 was one of the great sea changes in postwar American history. Like the Trojan horse sent into Troy, President Harry S.Truman's June 1950 decision to intervene in the Korean crisis laid the nation bare to a bombardment of economic, political, military, and social changes. As it turned out, the Korean mobilization went far beyond preparations for America's first undeclared war; it evolved into the nation's de facto Cold War preparedness program, which came to span nearly forty years. The Korean War, which began with the invasion of the Republic of South Korea in June of 1950, can be more easily understood if we consider it as two, perhaps even three, wars.The first phase was between the United Nations and the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea. This period can be considered a victory for the United Nations. Surely there is no other word for the successful landing at Inchon in September 1950, the recapture of the South Korean capital of Seoul, and the approach, by Eighth Army on the west and X Corps on the east, to the Yalu. By the middle of November, the forces of the United Nations had scattered the troops of North Korea's army and occupied most of its territory. The goals of the United Nations, to drive the invader from South Korea, had been accomplished.The second phase, which General of the Army Douglas MacArthur called â€Å"an entirely new war,† began with the Chinese entry into the conflict. This phase must be considered much less successful. In the light of the goals established for the second stage of the war – to expel the Communist Chinese and to occupy and control the territory of North Korea – the war was a failure. But somewhere during the second year of fighting, around November 1951, the nature of the goals changed again. This change may be sufficient to define a third phase of the war.The third phase was marked by the decision to take a defensive posture in Korea. After the defeat at the Chosin reservoir and the slo w United Nations return to the 38th Parallel military victory seemed to be too great a goal. The war became one of attrition, not unlike World War I. The third phase was one of waiting, patrolling, skirmishing, destroying supplies, and attacking to kill rather than to occupy, and negotiating. If the legitimate purpose of war is to create a more perfect peace, as some have suggested, then phase three of the Korean War was its most important.Certainly the long-term goals, as well as the short-term reactions, seemed to be more directed at an easing of the Cold War than at victory in Korea. The decision made by President Harry S. Truman and his advisors to enter the war in defense of South Korea was one of major significance. Some historians believe it may have been predetermined by earlier events leading up to the invasion. On the surface, however, the decision looks like a rather abrupt shift in the administration's policy concerning Korea. The reaction gave Korea more importance than it had previously held for Americans.Later, when Truman authorized General MacArthur to move across the 38th, and seek the occupation of North Korea, that decision did not appear so much out of character. In the final analysis, however, this latter decision introduced a period of military defeat, public concern, and political difficulty. There is much about the fighting during the Korean War that, in an overview, appears paradoxical. The tremendous technological advances made during World War II paid off between 1945 and 1955. Weapon development moved quickly and weapons became more and more complex.Nevertheless, the Korean War was primarily fought with weapons left over from World War II. To a significant degree it was also fought with the strategies and often with the commanders, of that war. It was war fought in the beginning by untrained and unprepared occupation troops, then by â€Å"retreads† (recalled World War II veterans), then by draftees caught up in one of the lo osest conscription nets in modern history. Of course, it was a war in which military methodology and expectancy were severely limited.Finally, we can say that the Korean War verified Clausewitz's understanding that a limited war can be true to its defined goals only as long as it remains subject to political (civilian) control. The Korean War emphatically marked the end of the post-Second World War era. The Sovietization of Eastern Europe, the Greek civil war, the Czech coup, and the Berlin Airlift, not to mention the â€Å"loss† of China to the communists, had all served to erode what had remained of the wartime â€Å"Grand Alliance† between the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union that had persisted through the war and to the establishment of the United Nations.But with American, British, French, Dutch, Canadian, Australian, New Zealand, South African, Greek, Turkish, Filipino and Thai troops actually engaged in combat with Communist forces, the Cold War seemed obviously to have taken on a new and far more bitter dimension, and indeed, might no longer even merit the term â€Å"Cold War†. In the words of one scholar, â€Å"Without the Cold War there would have been no Korean War† (Mcmahon 69) In fact, the entry of China into the conflict in late 1950 unleashed apocalyptic imaginings of a Third World War, particularly amongst Americans.Even after the Armistice concluding the Korean War, the Cold War would continue for more than four decades. The Korean War marked a pivotal turning point in the global execution of the Cold War. To understand the larger context—the Cold War—is to understand how and why Korea fundamentally altered the political and economic scene in the United States. First, Korea marked the militarization of Harry Truman's containment policy.Before June 1950, the United States tended to emphasize the economic aspects of containment, during which time it sought to build a strong, free-marketà ¢â‚¬â€based international order to serve as a bulwark against Soviet communism. Once the war in Korea began, however, the United States emphasized military rearmament—here and abroad—to resist perceived Soviet aggression. Second, by militarizing containment as it did, the Truman administration globalized it as well.After Korea, the nation prepared itself ideologically and militarily to resist the Sovietsin every corner of the world. Thus, in the final analysis, the Korean mobilization was a mobilization within a mobilization: the nation began arming for the Korean conflict in the short-term while simultaneously mobilizing for the Cold War in the long-term. Division and Cold War came to Korea first and foremost because of the inability of outside powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, to devise a unification plan that would protect the interests of both (Wainstock 36).From the start the two powers regarded internal political configurations as highly unpredicta ble, so they were disinclined to encourage creation of an indigenous government that crossed zonal boundaries. The best opportunity for the emergence of such a government came in September 1945 with the rise of the KPR, a group that possessed strong linkages with the people's committees at the local level. Had the Americans supported the KPR, thus encouraging the KDP to play coalition rather than class politics, Koreans might have taken the lead in developing a vision of a united, independent country unthreatening to the great powers.Yet the best opportunity in this case does not represent a good opportunity, since such an outcome would have required extraordinary patience and trust on all sides, ingredients that were far from common at the time. The unexpected invasion ushered in a new and much more dangerous phase of the Cold War, not just in Asia but globally. Certain that the attack could only have occurred with the backing of the Soviet Union and China – a correct assess ment, as nowavailable evidence confirms – and convinced that it heralded a bolder and more aggressive worldwide offensive by the communist powers, the Truman administration responded vigorously.It immediately dispatched US naval and air forces to Korea in order to stem the North Korean advance and bolster South Korean defences. When that initial intervention proved insufficient, the administration dispatched US combat troops, which became part of an international force owing to the UN's condemnation of the North Korean invasion. ‘The attack upon Korea makes it plain beyond all doubt’, declared Truman in a 27 June address to the American people, ‘that Communism has passed beyond the use of subversion to conquer independent nations and will use armed invasion and war’ (Malkasian 21).He also revealed, in that same speech, that he was ordering the US Seventh Fleet to the Taiwan Strait, increasing aid to the French in Indo—China, and speeding addit ional aid to the pro—American Philippine government which was battling the radical Huk insurgency. Behind those four interventions – in Korea, China, Indo—China, and the Philippines – lay the American perception that a unified threat of formidable proportions was being mounted against Western interests by a hostile and newly aggressive world communist movement under the leadership of the Soviet Union and its Chinese junior partner.The impact of the Cold War on the Korean War is difficult to overstate. Not only did the Korean fighting lead to an intensification and geographical expansion of the Cold War, threaten a wider conflict between the United States and the communist powers, and foster increased East–West hostility, but it also spurred a huge increase in American defence spending and, more broadly, a militarization and globalization of American foreign policy. Beyond Asia, the conflict in Korea also hastened the strengthening of NATO, the armi ng of Germany, and the stationing of US troops on European soil.‘It was the Korean War and not World War II that made the United States a world military—political power’, diplomat Charles Bohlen has argued. With uncommon unanimity, scholars have affirmed that judgement, identifying the Korean War as a key turning point in the international history of the postwar era. America's ‘real commitment to contain communism everywhere originated in the events surrounding the Korean War’, contends John Lewis Gaddis. Warren I.Cohen calls it ‘a war that would alter the nature of the Soviet—American confrontation, change it from a systemic political competition into an ideologically driven, militarized contest that threatened the very survival of the globe’ (Anthony 42). Yet, as Cohen also notes, ‘that a civil war in Korea would provide the critical turning point in the postwar Soviet—American relationship, and raise the possibilit y of world war, seems, in retrospect, nothing short of bizarre’ (Ball 15). Certainly, in the aftermath of World War II, few places appeared less likely to emerge as a focal point of great power competition.Occupied and ruled by Japan as a colony ever since 1910, Korea factored into wartime councils merely as yet another minor and obscure territory whose future disposition fell on the Allies' already overburdened shoulders. At the Potsdam Conference, the Americans and Soviets agreed to share occupation responsibilities there by temporarily dividing the country at the 38th parallel; they also agreed to work towards the establishment of an independent, unified Korea at the earliest practicable time.In December 1945, at a foreign ministers' meeting in Moscow, the Soviets accepted a US proposal for the establishment of a joint Soviet—American commission to prepare for the election of a provisional Korean government as a first step toward full independence. But that plan soo n fell victim to larger Cold War tensions that militated against any meaningful cooperation, or compromise, between Moscow and Washington. By 1948, the occupation divisions had instead hardened. In the north, a pro—Soviet regime under the leadership of the former antiJapanese fighter Kim took on all the trappings of an independent regime.So, too, did its counterpart in the south: a proAmerican regime headed by the virulently anti—communist Syngman Rhee, a Korean nationalist of long standing. Each side regularly rattled sabres at the other; neither North nor South Koreans could accept a permanent division of their homeland. In 1948, the Truman administration, seeking to extricate itself gracefully from its Korean commitment, began withdrawing US military forces from the peninsula. American defence planners believed not only that US military personnel had become overextended worldwide, necessitating this pullback, but that Korea, in fact, possessed minimal strategic wort h.The North Korean invasion two years later brought a different calculus to the fore. Although it might have lacked great intrinsic strategic value, Korea stood as a potent symbol, especially in view of America's role as midwife and protector of the Seoul regime. Further, the North Korean attack, sanctioned and backed by the Soviet Union and China, threatened America's credibility as a regional and global power every bit as much as it threatened the survival of the South Korean government. To Truman, Acheson, and other senior decision—makers, the stakes at risk in Korea appeared enormous.Consequently, without any dissenting voices being raised, the president quickly authorized US military intervention. ‘If the United Nations yields to the force of aggression’, Truman declared publicly on 30 November, ‘no nation will be safe or secure. If aggression is successful in Korea, we can expect it to spread throughout Asia and Europe to this hemisphere. We are fight ing in Korea for our own national security and survival’ (Roe 90) That statement came right after the entry of Chinese Communist ‘volunteer’ forces into the fray, a development that changed the character of the Korean conflict – and, arguably, the Cold War as well.Truman and his military advisers grew overconfident after MacArthur turned the tide of battle in September 1950 by outflanking the North Koreans with his legendary Inchon landing. The UN forces under his command crossed into North Korean territory on 7 October; by 25 October, some advance units reached the Yalu River, along the North Korean—Chinese border. As they inched closer to Chinese territory, Mao informed Stalin that he had decided to send Chinese troops across the Yalu.‘The reason’, he explained, ‘is that if we allow the United States to occupy all of Korea and Korean revolutionary strength suffers a fundamental defeat, then the Americans will run more rampant to the detriment of the entire East. ’ Mao, too, saw broad regional and global implications in the Korean outcome. MacArthur, who had so cavalierly underestimated the Chinese military threat and whose forces were almost completely driven out of North Korea by the end of November, informed the Joint Chiefs of Staff: ‘We face an entirely new war’ (Paige 12).The world faced an entirely new Cold War by that time as well, one whose boundaries reached well beyond Europe. The emergence of Mao's regime in China, the Sino—Soviet alliance, Soviet and Chinese support for North Korean adventurism, the intervention of US and UN forces in Korea, the subsequent entry of Chinese troops, the presence of communist elements within Southeast Asia's nationalist movements – all ensured that the Cold War would remain a commanding presence in postwar Asia for a long time to come.The Korean War itself dragged on inconclusively until July 1953, when the warring parties signed an armistice that achieved little more than an exchange of prisoners—of—war and a return to the status quo ante bellum. The 38th parallel remained an ominous line of division – not just between North and South Korea, but between the Eastern and Western blocs. With the Korean conflict, the Cold War became increasingly global in scope. In the decade that followed the onset of the Korean fighting, few corners of the world managed to escape the ensnaring web of superpower rivalry, competition, and conflict.Indeed, the principal international flashpoints of the 1950s and 1960s – Iran, Guatemala, Indo—China, the Taiwan Strait, Suez, Lebanon, Indonesia, Cuba, the Congo – lay well beyond the Cold War's original boundaries. Only Berlin, whose contested status triggered Soviet–American crises in 1958 and again in 1961–2, belongs to the set of immediate post—World War II disputes that precipitated the East–West breach in the first place. From the standpoint of the great power struggle, the grounds for defending South Korea were strong.It was believed that if the North Korean aggression succeeded, Indo-China would be almost certain to fall under Communist control, with the aid of whatever Chinese forces were necessary. The snowballing effect of Communist triumphs might make Thailand and Burma relatively easy conquests. Since Indo-China is strategically the key to all South East Asia, the stubborn communist guerrilla movement in Malaya might be expected to gain momentum, with aid from the north, and gun-running to the Huks in the Philippines would not be too difficult.Both in the Philippines and Japan, also, the psychology of Red success would operate powerfully. In the end it might be difficult to hold Japan, especially since she cannot exist, apart from American doles, in the absence of trade with China and South East Asia. As in every crisis of the Cold War, the image of the falling dominoes was allow ed free rein. Thus far the Truman Doctrine had been enforced in Europe, but it had been a dismal failure in East Asia. If now the tremendous triumph of communism in China were capped by further Red gains in Asia the effect on Europe might be decisive.In the United States, too, the result might well be decisive politically for the Truman Administration. Its foes were already making capital bitterly about the non-enforcement of the Doctrine in China. If it collapsed in Asia there would be a mighty outcry indeed. A stage in the Cold War had come which seemed to compel a defense of the Doctrine in Asia. These considerations were sufficient to induce resolute action in Korea, without going to the defense of the United Nations. Up to this time enforcement of the United Nations Charter had not been a compelling motive in Washington.The UN was brushed aside in Greece, and independent action taken to defeat the Communist guerrillas. In Indonesia the United States had brought strong moral pre ssure to bear on the Netherlands in the Security Council, but no troops and planes were sent to fight the Dutch when they defied a UN cease fire order. Nor did the United States mobilize the UN to save the infant Israeli Republic when five Arab states invaded Palestine in 1948 to overturn by force the partition plan adopted by the UN General Assembly.Defiance of the United Nations could not have been more flagrant, but the United States moved no troops and planes to save the victims of Hitler's hate who had gathered in Israel, and who appeared to be on the point of being destroyed by the armies of UN members converging on them from all sides. In the end Israel was saved by her own heroic fighting, with arms obtained largely from communist Czechoslovakia. The United States gave no armed support to Israel as the ward of UN. The Koreans did not ask for the division of their country, even temporarily.They also organized a government which was broadly representative and quite capable of governing the country. But neither the U. S. S. R. nor the U. S. A. would permit this government to function. Each insisted on creating a government for half the country in its own image. In this attempt the Soviets succeeded, but the United States brought a twenty-year emigre back to Korea and permitted him to build himself up into a lifetime despot capable of inviting the American people in their own capital to join him in self destruction.Division having resulted and hardened, two successive attempts to unite Korea by force were made, but the outcome was a great power war which nearly destroyed Korea and did not significantly alter the division of the country. On the contrary, the division was hardened and South Korea was left an overpopulated, undernourished, unviable country, existing only on the military dole of the United States and under a police state government which was a standing invitation to revolution – Red or otherwise.To highlight the argument, it is necessar y to review the years 1945 through 1948. There can be no more striking reflection of Korea's dependence on others than the decision to divide the peninsula into occupation zones in 1945. Koreans had no input in the decision because they had no recognized government or armed forces to defend their interests. They had been swallowed up in the Japanese empire early in the century and were now being freed from that status because of Japan's defeat in a war in which Koreans had contributed more to the losing than to the winning side.Prospects for the peaceful unification of Korea from August 1945 onward were between slim and nil. The first step toward June 25, 1950, had been taken by the great powers—alone. Koreans in 1945 were deeply split among themselves—between close collaborators with the Japanese and underground dissenters; between landowners and peasants; between businessmen and factory workers; between police and civilians. These divisions had festered beneath the s urface before 1945, as the Japanese used the strategy of divide and conquer to ease the task of ruling Korea.The collaborationist issue aside, many of the disputes were foreshadowed in the divisions among exiled independence groups. After liberation from Japan they burst into the open on the peninsula itself. Their existence eliminated any chance for a united indigenous resistance to the country's partition by outsiders. Yet the particular form the divisions took and the ultimate outcome of the resulting conflicts were deeply influenced, indeed often determined, by the foreign presence.That the exiled groups during the Japanese period had looked to outsiders for assistance—Nationalist China and the United States in the case of the Right, the Soviet Union and Communist China in the case of the Left—and that one of the outsiders on each side now occupied half of Korea greatly magnified the problem. The trusteeship issue represented an extreme case, since it was totally c reated by the outsiders. Although the Soviets were able to keep the Korean Left in line on trusteeship, the Americans never persuaded the indigenous Right to support it—or even to exercise restraint in attacking it.Ultimately the United States gave in to Syngman Rhee and abandoned trusteeship, but only because, by September 1947, he represented the best hope for keeping South Korea out of Communist hands, an important U. S. objective in its own right. By the end of 1948, two indigenous governments existed on the peninsula, one exercising authority above the thirty-eighth parallel, one below it, one leftist in orientation and aligned with the Soviet Union, the other rightist and aligned with the United States.It is impossible to imagine this result without the Soviet-American agreement of 1945. If the situation in Korea at the end of 1948 cannot be grasped without reference to the foreign presence since 1945, it is also fair to say that the picture is incomplete without mentio n of the civil conflict that had waxed and waned below the thirty-eighth parallel since the fall of 1946. The unrest began in September with strikes and riots by workers in several cities and soon spread to the countryside, where landlords became frequent objects of attack.Hundreds of civilians and police died in the turmoil. The Left lost heavily in the violence, and for the next year, while unrest was widespread at the village level, it appears not to have been as well coordinated as before. The violence picked up greatly during 1948, with the biggest revolt against government authority beginning in April on Cheju Island. By the end of the year, guerrillas operated extensively on the mainland, so much so that the United States decided to postpone withdrawal of the last of its combat troops from the South.Six of South Korea's eight provinces eventually saw substantial guerrilla activity, which peaked in the fall of 1949 and subsided in the spring of 1950 as a result of strong count eraction by ROK forces. Violence in the South from late 1946 to mid-1950 brought death to some one hundred thousand Koreans. If the Americans were instrumental in suppressing the activity, the Soviets played an integral role in fostering it.Although the general strike in South Korea of September 1946 appears to have begun at the initiative of the Korean Communist Party below the thirty-eighth parallel, the Soviets soon took an active part, giving advice, which the southern rebels often solicited, encouragement, and considerable financial aid. The Soviets also pushed successfully for the merger of the three leftist parties in the two zones and participated in the training and infiltration of North Korean agents and guerrillas into the South.The unrest in South Korea grew in part out of local conditions, but neither its origins nor its course can be understood without devoting heavy attention to activities originating in the North or to actions heavily influenced by the Soviet and Ame rican presence on the peninsula. The local, national, and international forces blended together in a manner that would have made the actual course of events largely unrecognizable with the elimination of any of the three (Stueck 44). On June 25, 1950 NorthKorea invaded South Korea.The invasion was less important in actual strategic terms than in what it symbolized: a confirmation of the aggressive nature of Soviet communism. President Truman attached this symbolism immediately to the war. In his statement issued on June 27 the president declared: â€Å"The attack upon Korea makes it plain beyond all doubt that communism has passed beyond the use of subversion to conquer independent nations and will now use armed invasion and war† (Lowe 120). In response he ordered the Seventh Fleet to protect Formosa, sought U. S. condemnation of the North's aggression, and eventually committed U. S.military forces under the auspices of the United Nations to fight the Korean War. The cold war had suddenly turned into a hot war. But it was a hot war of a peculiar kind. In fact, it was the new face of war in the postwar world. The Korean War was a proxy war fought in Korea but symbolizing the worldwide struggle between the free world and the communist world. If the North Korean invasion symbolized communists' intentions to dominate the world, the U. S. response symbolized the resolve of the United States to resist Soviet domination. It was a critical moment. Metaphysical symbolism replaced tangible objectives as the focal point of war.Such a transcendental transformation had its roots in the original request of economic aid to Greece and Turkey, but it was to have consequences that would reach to the rice paddies of Vietnam. The anticommunism rhetoric was now pervasive and complete. Politicians and people interpreted the meaning of each of these three sets of events – the Hiss conviction and the other charges of domestic communist activities, the invasion of South Korea by the North, and the Chinese intervention into that war – by the standards of that rhetoric and at the same time used these events as proof that the rhetoric was correct in the first place.It was a classic tautology. Understanding and proving arose simultaneously and led to action. And action confirmed the understanding and proof. The Korean War was the linchpin of these final proofs. John Lewis Gaddis (1983) remarked that the widely shared but erroneous impression that the invasion of South Korea was the first military step in the Soviet Union's plan to conquer the world had three important consequences: (1) the transformation of NATO from â€Å"a traditional mutual defense alliance into a[n] integrated military structure† that led to the appointment of a U.S. supreme commander of NATO and the stationing of U. S. troops in Europe; (2) the rearming of West Germany and the signing of a peace treaty with Japan, thus making alliances with old enemies to fight a new enemy; and (3) the approval of National Security Memorandum No. 68, better known as NSC-68 (32). Perhaps the only issue on which the United States and China had significant common interests concerns the Korean peninsula. Washington and Beijing had a strong interest in preventing North Korean acquisition of nuclear weapons.Not only would a nuclear-armed North Korea make a North-South war far more dangerous, but it might also encourage South Korean and Japanese acquisition of nuclear weapons and cause a nuclear arms race in Northeast Asia. Thus, at times Beijing has applied economic pressure on North Korean rulers, assisting U. S. efforts to compel Pyongyang to curtail its nuclear program. Indeed, Chinese policy toward nuclear proliferation into North Korea was one Chinese policy that consistently drew praise from Washington for having â€Å"concerns similar† to America's and for playing â€Å"an important cooperative role† and providing â€Å"critical cooperation† in U. S.efforts to freeze North Korea's nuclear program. China has also been supportive of U. S. efforts to bring about North Korean participation in the four-party peace talks involving the two Koreas, China, and the United States (Guttmann 59). The United States and China also shared an interest in preventing economic and political instability in North Korea from leading to war between the two Koreas. China has contributed to this common objective of a â€Å"soft† rather than a â€Å"crash landing† of the North Korean government by encouraging Pyongyang to open its economy to foreign trade and investment and by supplying it with subsidized energy resources.As the North Korean economy rapidly deteriorated, Beijing supplied Pyongyang with emergency food and clothing supplies. Since then, Beijing has continued to provide North Korea with food, consumer goods, and energy assistance. But even U. S. -China relations on this relatively cooperative issue had tensions. Whe reas Washington's policy toward North Korea was primarily focused on preventing nuclear proliferation, Beijing's policy attached equal weight to its vital interest in preserving its significant influence in a border state located at the intersection of all of the great powers.Moreover, Beijing had even greater interest than Washington in preventing war on the Korean peninsula, insofar as it would be waged on China's border and could spill over into Chinese territory. U. S. China friction results from Washington's frustration when Chinese caution inhibits Beijing from applying greater pressure on the North Korean leadership. Thus far, U. S. -China common interests in regional stability have prevailed, but should the U. S. -North Korean agreement collapse, U. S. -China tension over North Korea could intensify.The nuclear problem on the Korean peninsula was, in part, a holdover from the Cold War. It stemmed, ultimately, from the division of the country and the threat to the status quo posed by the Communist regime in the north – the same set of circumstances that had led to war in 1950. The same dictator – Kim II-sung-who had launched the attack in 1950 was in power and threatening to acquire nuclear weapons in 1994. The problem of North Korean nuclear weapons produced a political alignment in the region that demonstrated the differences between the Cold War and post-Cold War eras in yet another way.In 1950 the United States and Japan were allied with South Korea against North Korea, the Soviet Union, and the People's Republic of China (Buzo 89). Korea has common borders with both Russia and China. All four powers participated, directly or indirectly, in the Korean War of the 1950s. The Korean War was extension of the conflict in and the Cold War, at least in American eyes. North Korea, China, and later Vietnam were seen in Washington as part of a single Communist bloc, all allies and instruments of Moscow. A scenario suggests that the Soviet Union, North Korea, and Communist China conspired to begin a war in Asia.The North Korean invasion of South Korea was the opening move in a Communist offensive for worldwide domination. However, while it is fairly certain that Premier Mao Tsetung and Stalin were both aware of North Korea's decision to invade, there is less evidence that the nations involved were acting under the aegis of international communism. In fact, failure to understand the difference between national and international communism is a significant part of the inability of the United Nations to comprehend the depth of the problem it faced.The actual element of conspiracy, it there was one, may have been in the willingness of major political powers to use small and vulnerable nations in the Cold War. That is, the Korean War simply have been a convenient battleground for one more clash between nations who did not have the courage to take on each other openly. Works Cited Anthony, Farrar-Hockley. â€Å"The China Factor i n the Korean War†. In The Korean War in History ed. James Cotton and Ian Neary. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1989. Ball, S. J. The Cold War: An International History, 1947-1991. Arnold: London, 1998.Buzo, Adrian. The Making of Modern Korea. Routledge: New York. , 2002. Gaddis John Lewis. â€Å"The Emerging Post-Revisionist Synthesis on the Origins of the Cold War†. Diplomatic History 7 (Summer 1983): 171-90. Guttmann, Allen. Korea and the Theory of Limited War. D. C. Heath: Lexington, MA, 1967. Kaufman, Burton I. The Korean Conflict. Greenwood Press: Westport, CT, 1999. Lowe, Peter. The Origins of the Korean War. London: Longmann, 1986. Malkasian, Carter. A History of Modern Wars of Attrition. Praeger: Westport, CT, 2002. Mcmahon, Robert. The Cold War: A Very Short Introduction.Oxford University Press: Oxford, England, 2003. Paige, Glenn D. The Korean Decision. New York: Free Press, 1968. Ridgway, M. B. The Korean War, Garden City, NY, 1967. Roe, Patrick C. The Dragon Strikes: China and the Korean War, June-December 1950. Presidio Press: Novato, CA, 2000. Sandler, Stanley. The Korean War: No Victors, No Vanquished. UCL Press: London, 1999. Stueck, William. Rethinking the Korean War: A New Diplomatic and Strategic History. Princeton University Press: Princeton, NJ, 2002. Wainstock, Dennis D. Truman, Macarthur and the Korean War. Greenwood Press: Westport, CT, 1999.

Different Type Of Treatment For Breast Tumors Health Essay

Cancer is one of the most common malignances in adult females. This paper has given me the chance to research the different types of chest malignant neoplastic diseases and different modes of interventions. In this research paper will give an overview of the physiology and hazards factors and different ways to naming the disease. Once diagnosed with this lay waste toing disease the different types of intervention from chemo to surgical intercessions. I would non desire to bury to include the psychological impact on the adult females and household members after being diagnosed with this malignance. This undertaking will give me the chance to larn more about the disease procedure and other facets of interventions other than surgical. As an Operating Room nurse I have had exposure to the surgical interventions of the disease. Breast malignant neoplastic disease is the most common malignance in adult females and histories for18 per centum of all female malignant neoplastic diseases. The per centum of adult females who develop chest malignant neoplastic diseases are normally post- menopausal, but more than 8,000 are under the age of 50 old ages of age. McCready, Tracey. â€Å" Management of patients with breast malignant neoplastic disease. ( Continuing professional development: oncology ) . â€Å" A Nursing Standard17.41 ( 2003 ) : 45+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. Screening methods like chest malignant neoplastic disease consciousness, clinical chest scrutinies, mammography, Ultrasound, MRI has increased early detainment in chest malignant neoplastic disease. Consequently, we have more statistics report organize these showing trials. Screening, diagnosing, and intervention are indispensable to survival, and the importance of early detainment should non be overemphasized. Patients should be good informed what their options are for intervention. Some adult females avoided the diagnosing, believing that the intervention was worse than the disease. This topic usage to be a tabu. The end of showing is to place chest malignant neoplastic disease at the earliest phase, which allows the highest possible remedy. Therefore, many adult females spouse up with their physicians and other health care suppliers to seek the right reply for their diagnosing. The five twelvemonth endurance rate for chest malignant neoplastic disease identified in the earliest phases is now 98 per centum. The mortality rate has dropped by 30 per centum since 1992, which is advancement! We still need to perpetrate to bar by making all we can make to halt malignant neoplastic disease before it starts. These statistics should remind us to eat healthier, more veggies and less nutrient with no nutritionary value, and non gorge in alcoholic drinks. Healthy life styles change such a low-fat diet and exercising can hold signi ficant impact on chest malignant neoplastic disease endurance. These good wonts will cut down your hazard. Plan a scheme for good wellness and act upon your organic structure ‘s destiny. We must besides back up research into environmental and other possible causes for malignant neoplastic disease. Breast malignant neoplastic disease starts as a precancerous mass that progresses to presymptomatic tumour ( the tumour so little that can non be detected by mammography or physical scrutiny ) , so to tumours that are detected by mammography and eventually tumours that are big plenty to be detected by physical scrutiny. Buyske, Jo, et Al. â€Å" Breast malignant neoplastic disease in the 1890ss. â€Å" A AORN JournalA July 1996: 64+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. With mammography the tumours can be detected as early before going tangible, every bit little as 1mm in size leting for a greater likeliness of early sensing that can take to bring around. Mammograms are recommended by the A merican Cancer Society on adult females every one to two old ages from age 40 and 50 old ages of age, adult females younger than 18 should execute monthly chest introspection and have one-year scrutinies by their doctors. Womans with higher than mean hazard factors, may necessitate more intensive surveillance. Hazard Factors: Every adult female is indiscriminately at hazard of developing chest malignant neoplastic disease sometime in her life. There are several factors that increase the hazard of the disease development. The biggest hazard factor of all is age, with the bulk of chest malignant neoplastic diseases being diagnosed in the post-menopausal age group. Oestrogen has being evidenced as a critical endocrine in the increased hazard factor for chest malignant neoplastic disease. Early menses before the age of 11, are at increased hazard and those have late climacteric ( after the age of 50 ) are twice likely to develop chest malignant neoplastic disease. The likeliness of chest malignant neoplastic disease increases with the age of the adult females ‘s first gestation. After the age of 30 the hazard additions. Womans who have their first gestation at a higher age are more predisposed to breast malignant neoplastic disease. In fact, adult females who have non given birth run a h igher opportunity of happening. A alteration in endocrines during gestation besides has an consequence on the development of chest malignant neoplastic disease. It is more preventable in multiparity and gestations at an early age. Oral preventives and endocrines replacing tablets are besides important. There is a little hazard associated with taking the unwritten preventive pill before the age of 20 are at higher hazard than adult females who begin at an older age, There is a little hazard associated with the usage of endocrine replacing tablets and for the first one to four old ages after usage has ceased. McCready, Tracey. â€Å" Management of patients with breast malignant neoplastic disease. ( Continuing professional development: oncology ) . â€Å" A Nursing Standard17.41 ( 2003 ) : 45+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. Family history provides the strongest hint to the possibility of familial chest malignant neoplastic disease. A female parent, sister or girl with chest malignant neoplastic disease is a strong va riable in the development of chest malignant neoplastic disease. Hereditary chest malignant neoplastic disease attributed to a mutant in a peculiar cistron ( i.e. , BRCA1or BRCA2 ) can be passed on the following coevals, transmitted in an autosomal dominant form. The cistron mutant may arise from the paternal or maternal side and each progeny of a BRCA bearer has a 50 per centum opportunity of inheriting the mutant. Gostout, Bobbie S. , Noralane M. Lindor, and Sandhya Pruthi. â€Å" Identification and direction of adult females with BRCA mutants or familial sensitivity for chest and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease. â€Å" A Mayo Clinic ProceedingsA 85.12 ( 2010 ) : 1111+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. Factors that indicate likeliness of a BRCA cistron mutant are: Multiple instances of early- oncoming chest malignant neoplastic disease ( age, & lt ; 50 twelvemonth old ) , a combination of chest and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease in the same adult females bilateral chest malignant neoplastic disease, one household member & lt ; 50 twelvem onth old with chest malignant neoplastic disease or ovarian malignant neoplastic disease and Ashkenazi Jewish heritage, male chest malignant neoplastic disease, a comparative with documented BRCA1 or BRCA2 mutant and multiple instances of chest malignant neoplastic disease across several coevalss in a household. The increased usage of familial testing has being helpful in observing this mutant that increased the potency of chest malignant neoplastic disease in adult females. This familial mutant of BRCA1 and BRCA2 has accounted for 60 per centum of familial chest malignant neoplastic disease and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease. Womans with this germline mutant in BRCA1 and BRCA2 or a familial sensitivity for chest malignant neoplastic disease have markedly increased hazard of early-onset chest malignant neoplastic disease and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease. Gostout, Bobbie S. , Noralane M. Lindor, and Sandhya Pruthi. â€Å" Identification and direction of adult females w ith BRCA mutants or familial sensitivity for chest and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease. â€Å" A Mayo Clinic ProceedingsA 85.12 ( 2010 ) : 1111+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. With this two cistrons inhered through a first grade household, it is recommended they seek familial guidance. Familial guidance is considered the mainstream of a multidisciplinary attack to the intervention of familial chest malignant neoplastic disease. Decrease Schemes: Once it has being identified the adult females to be a bearer of the BRCA1 or BRCA2 there are different options offered for intervention. Chemoprevention- tamoxifen a raloxifene, selective estrogen receptor modulators approved for chest malignant neoplastic disease hazard decrease, are by and large prescribed for 5 old ages, and their function beyond this clip frame is unknown. . Gostout, Bobbie S. , Noralane M. Lindor, and Sandhya Pruthi. â€Å" Identification and direction of adult females with BRCA mutants or familial sensitivity for chest and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease. â€Å" A Mayo Clinic ProceedingsA 85.12 ( 2010 ) : 1111+.A Academic OneFile. Web.22. Other options may be bilateral contraceptive mastectomy ( known as hazard decrease mastectomy ) . Your sawbones will explicate the different types of mastectomies, simple mastectomy, where the whole chest is removed and some alar lymph nodes may besides be removed and hypodermic mastectomy, where less breast tissue is surgically excised. These processs significantly cut down the hazard of chest malignant neoplastic disease in adult females with first degree household history of the disease. Several surveies have shown a 90 per centum to 95 per centum decrease in chest malignant neoplastic disease hazard among BRCA bearers, intending that adult females with BRCA mutants can accomplish a degree of chest malignant neoplastic disease hazard that is the same or lower than that of the general population. Gostout, Bobbie S. , Noralane M. Lindor, and Sandhya Pruthi. â€Å" Identification and direction of adult females with BRCA mutants or familial sensitivity for chest and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease. â€Å" A Mayo Clinic ProceedingsA 85.12 ( 2010 ) : 1111+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. A Womans can hold rehabilitative surgery station these processs with expanders, a pocket is created under the thorax ‘s pectoral muscle major musculus and the expanders is filled with sal ine, and subsequently on hold breast implants. Tram Pedicle Flap is another option which is a flap of tegument, fat and implicit in musculus is cut from the venters and anastomosed as a chest. Another option is a Deep Free Flap, a flap of tegument and fat that is removed from the venters, along with blood vass that have been dissected from the implicit in musculus and with this a chest is made. Once the chest mass has being found on mammography, which is the most of import diagnostic tool, the sawbones will desire to make obtain a sample of life tissue. Biopsy may be done if the physician is concerned about chest malignant neoplastic disease because of unnatural findings on the mammogram or chest ultrasound, or during physical scrutiny. A chest biopsy is the remotion of chest tissue to analyze it for marks of chest malignant neoplastic disease or other upsets. Several different types of biopsies can be done. Open biopsy which involves a little scratch in the chest and take portion ( incisional ) or all ( excisional biopsy ) of the country. If the full ball or country is removed, it is a lumpectomy. If the sawbones can non easy experience the ball or cyst, a biopsy under needle localisation will be done under ultrasound to turn up the ball ; this acerate leaf will be left in topographic point to assist the sawbones during the incisional biopsy. The sawbones will take the nuc leus of tissue environing the wire, and send the specimen to pathology and radiology. The biopsy can uncover certain of chest abnormalcies that are non malignant neoplastic disease or precancerous, adenocarcinomas, fibrocystic chest disease, intraductal villoma, mammary fat mortification. Other biopsies may demo precancerous chest conditions, untypical ductal hyperplasia and a typical lobular hyperplasia. Then there are the two chief type of chest malignant neoplastic disease found, ductal carcinoma, most chest malignant neoplastic diseases are of this type and lobular carcinoma. Biopsy consequences are deciding if there will be a demand for chest surgery in combination with radiation and chemotherapy. In order to cognize if the lymph nodes holding being invaded with malignant neoplastic disease it is recommended to hold a lookout node biopsy. This cognition will avoid alar node dissection if the lymph node is non affected. Internal mammary nodes can besides be assessed during the p rocess to finish the theatrical production procedure. Staging of chest malignant neoplastic disease: Staging the chest malignant neoplastic disease is critical constituent in the development of the individualised intervention program. Stage 0- ( noninvasive carcinoma, carcinoma in situ ) this is really early phase chest malignant neoplastic disease is considered precancerous. Stage 1- this is an early phase of chest malignant neoplastic disease, the size of the leery lesion measures up to two centimetres in dimension, and no lymph nodes are involved. In this phase adult females may hold a chest -sparing surgery like a lumpectomy with radiation intervention or they may hold a mastectomy ( remotion of full chest ) they can be have Reconstruction surgery following the process. Breast preservation surgery is the most popular intervention because most carcinomas have a restricted size and big tumour can be reduced in size with anterior chemotherapy before surgery. Radiation therapy along with chemo therapy and /or endocrine therapy may besid es be given after the surgery to destruct any staying malignant neoplastic disease cells. Stage 2- the tumour steps between two to five centimetres or the malignant neoplastic disease has spread to the lymph nodes under the arm on the same side as the chest malignant neoplastic disease. This phase is divided into two classs stage 2 A and phase 2 B. Phase 2 A-Three ways it can attest itself. There is no tumour found in the chest but the alar lymph nodes are positive for malignant neoplastic disease cells. Cancer in the chest spans two centimetres and alar lymph nodes are involved. Tumor is larger than two centimetres and smaller than five centimetres, and does non impact the alar lymph nodes. Stage 2 B- may include one of the followers: The dimension of the tumour is between two and five centimetres and has metastasis to the alar lymph nodes. The chest malignant neoplastic disease is larger than five centimetres, but no lymph are non affected. Treatment may be breast economical surge ry ( lumpectomy ) followed with radiation therapy or a mastectomy with or without breast Reconstruction. Another method used is the tegument and nipple-sparing mastectomy that preserves the nipple-areolar. Several options can be offered to the patient, from the simple arrangement of chest expanders to the usage of musculocutaneous flaps ( thoracodorsal or abdominal flap [ TRAM ] ) . Sometimes chemotherapy is given before the surgery to shrivel the tumour or after surgery to destruct any staying malignant neoplastic disease cells. Womans may besides hold a combination of other interventions, such as endocrine therapy. Phase 3 -the size of the tumour is more than two inches in diameter across and has spread to the alar lymph nodes, or has metastasis to other lymph nodes or tissue near the chest. Phase 3 malignant neoplastic disease is divided into other subcategories, phase 3A, phase 3B and phase 3C, Stage 3 A- The tumour measures more than five centimetres. The lymph nodes are affect ed. Stage 3B-The malignant neoplastic disease has invaded to tissues environing the chest, such as tegument or chest wall, the tumour may run in size. Axillary lymph nodes or lymph nodes beneath the chest under the ribs may be affected. Stage 3C-There is a possibility of the metastasis or distributing to the chest tegument or chest wall. In this phase the malignant neoplastic disease has spread to lymph nodes around the clavicle and may be in lymph nodes around chest bone. Chemotherapy and/or targeted therapies are given foremost in order to shrivel the tumour prior to surgical intercession. After surgery adult females may hold chemotherapy, radiation, endocrine therapy or a combination of intervention to assist forestall reoccurrence. Stage 4- ( Metastatic ) -The malignant neoplastic disease has spread beyond the chest alar and internal mammary lymph nodes to other parts of the organic structure near or distant to the chest. Womans with metastatic malignant neoplastic disease will have targeted intervention depending on where the malignant neoplastic disease has spread. Bone is the most common site.treatments may include orthopaedic oncology, endocrine therapy, chemotherapy, radiation therapy or combination of interventions. By larning the different phases of chest malignant neoplastic disease it can give the patient an educated determination of her pick of intervention. This information along your general wellness will let you along with your wellness attention squad to individualise your intervention for chest malignant neoplastic disease. We besides have to see there chest tumours that will non react to hormone therapy. Normal chest tissue has hormone receptors that respond specifically to the stimulatory effects of oestrogen and Lipo-Lutin. The bulk of chest malignant neoplastic diseases retain oestrogen receptors and in these malignant neoplastic diseases oestrogen will retain proliferative control over the malignant neoplastic disease cells. It is utile to cognize the oestrogen receptor position of the malignant neoplastic disease to foretell which patients will react to hormone therapy. Cancer that lack endocrine receptors will non react to hormone therapy. McCready, Tracey. â€Å" Management of patients with breast malignant neoplastic disease. ( Continuing professional development: oncology ) . â€Å" A Nursing Standard17.41 ( 2003 ) : 45+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. This information is utile in finding forecast and intervention methods. In decision, in research for this paper I have learned of the different types of chest malignant neoplastic diseases and the options of intervention. Working as an operating room nurse I was ever involved with the surgical intervention of the diagnosing but was non cognizant of the involved and diagnostic testing to make this intervention. It is apparent that the attention for patients with breast malignant neoplastic disease is a multidisciplinary attack. To be able to make up one's mind on the individualize intervention when they are experiencing less able to make so. Bing diagnosed with chest malignant neoplastic disease is really scaring for any adult females in add-on ; doing determinations on the different types of intervention can be overpowering. Healthcare suppliers need to promote adult females to lift above the negativeness of the disease and take control of their organic structure by doing an individualize determination. Nurses must take advantage of every chance to autho rise these adult females to do their intervention picks. Console and soothe them resuscitating assurance in them. Communicating efficaciously and supplying supportive attention are really of import to their long term accommodation to their diagnosing of chest malignant neoplastic disease. Sometimes a patient ‘s liberty is more desirable than the demand for accurate information. Today we have better cognition about the showing, diagnosing and intervention of chest malignant neoplastic disease. Technology, testing and early detainment must go on to come on so malignant neoplastic disease is no longer the most common malignant neoplastic disease in adult females. We need to maintain focal point on bar making all we can to halt malignant neoplastic disease before it starts. Committedness to the bar of chest malignant neoplastic disease is indispensable. In order for things to go on we have to perpetrate to them, nil happens automatically. It is astonishing the Numberss of utilizat ions for the human voice. We talk and cry, speak and sing mutters and complain, congratulations and proclaim. But the best usage of our voice is to show empathy and cognition and offer words of encouragement for these patients and their household members thru this annihilating disease. Mentions Buyske, Jo, et Al. â€Å" Breast malignant neoplastic disease in the 1890ss. â€Å" A AORN JournalA July 1996: 64+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. Gostout, Bobbie S. , Noralane M. Lindor, and Sandhya Pruthi. â€Å" Identification and direction of adult females with BRCA mutants or familial sensitivity for chest and ovarian malignant neoplastic disease. â€Å" A Mayo Clinic ProceedingsA 85.12 ( 2010 ) : 1111+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22. McCready, Tracey. â€Å" Management of patients with breast malignant neoplastic disease. ( Continuing professional development: oncology ) . â€Å" A Nursing Standard17.41 ( 2003 ) : 45+.A Academic OneFile. Web. 22..A

Alexander von Humboldt - Founder of Modern Geography

Alexander von Humboldt - Founder of Modern Geography Charles Darwin described him as the greatest scientific traveler who ever lived. He is widely respected as one of the founders of modern geography. Alexander von Humboldts travels, experiments, and knowledge transformed western science in the nineteenth century. Early Life Alexander von Humboldt was born in Berlin, Germany in 1769. His father, who was an army officer, died when he was nine years old so he and his older brother Wilhelm were raised by their cold and distant mother. Tutors provided their early education which was grounded in languages and mathematics. Once he was old enough, Alexander began to study at the Freiberg Academy of Mines under the famous geologist A.G. Werner. Von Humboldt met George Forester, Captain James Cooks scientific illustrator from his second voyage, and they hiked around Europe. In 1792, at the age of 22, von Humboldt began a job as a government mines inspector in Franconia, Prussia. When he was 27, Alexanders mother died, leaving him as substantial income from the estate. The following year, he left government service and began to plan travels with Aime Bonpland, a botanist. The pair went to Madrid and obtained special permission and passports from King Charles II to explore South America. Once they arrived in South America, Alexander von Humboldt and Bonpland studied the flora, fauna, and topography of the continent. In 1800 von Humboldt mapped over 1700 miles of the Orinco River. This was followed by a trip to the Andes and a climb of Mt. Chimborazo (in modern Ecuador), then believed to be the tallest mountain in the world. They didnt make it to the top due to a wall-like cliff but they did climb to over 18,000 feet in elevation. While on the west coast of South America, von Humboldt measured and discovered the Peruvian Current, which, over the objections of von Humboldt himself, is also known as the Humboldt Current. In 1803 they explored Mexico. Alexander von Humboldt was offered a position in the Mexican cabinet but he refused. Travels to America and Europe The pair were persuaded to visit Washington, D.C. by an American counselor and they did so. They stayed in Washington for three weeks and von Humboldt had many meetings with Thomas Jefferson and the two became good friends. Von Humboldt sailed to Paris in 1804 and wrote thirty volumes about his field studies. During his expeditions in the Americas and Europe, he recorded and reported on magnetic declination. He stayed in France for 23 years and met with many other intellectuals on a regular basis. Von Humboldts fortunes were ultimately exhausted because of his travels and self-publishing of his reports. In 1827, he returned to Berlin where he obtained a steady income by becoming the King of Prussias advisor. Von Humboldt was later invited to Russia by the tsar and after exploring the nation and describing discoveries such as permafrost, he recommended that Russia establish weather observatories across the country. The stations were established in 1835 and von Humboldt was able to use the data to develop the principle of continentality, that the interiors of continents have more extreme climates due to a lack of moderating influence from the ocean. He also developed the first isotherm map, containing lines of equal average temperatures. From 1827 to 1828, Alexander von Humboldt gave public lectures in Berlin. The lectures were so popular that new assembly halls had to be found due to the demand. As von Humboldt got older, he decided to write everything known about the earth. He called his work Kosmos and the first volume was published in 1845, when he was 76 years old. Kosmos was well written and well received. The first volume, a general overview of the universe, sold out in two months and was promptly translated into many languages. Other volumes focused on such topics as humans effort to describe the earth, astronomy, and earth and human interaction. Humboldt died in 1859 and the fifth and final volume was published in 1862, based on his notes for the work. Once von Humboldt died, no individual scholar could hope any longer to master the worlds knowledge about the earth. (Geoffrey J. Martin, and Preston E. James. All Possible Worlds: A History of Geographical Ideas., page 131). Von Humboldt was the last true master but one of the first to bring geography to the world.

Free Essays on THe Everest Disaster

silenced the audience as he began, â€Å"On the night of May 10, 1996 a blizzard swept over Mount Everest, striking more than thirty mountain climbers with heavy snow, subzero temperatures, and unbelievably strong winds. In the next twenty-four hours, eight of the climbers, including three professional guides were dead. This night would become the most ill fated attempt ever to summit Mount Everest.† â€Å"Among these climbers was a 49-year old Dallas pathologist and an amateur climber, Dr. Beck Weathers, who was left to die in the icy storm 300 yards from his camp. Miraculously, Dr. Weathers survived and came back from his ordeal to speak of his experiences, and to tell us about some valuable lessons he has learned. Let’s welcome Dr. Beck Weathers.† I watched and listened as this man swayed his disfigured arms and explained that he had scaled the world’s largest heights and yet, still had not been at peace with himself. He had wanted more â€Å"courageo us† success, because he had conquered all but the grand Mount Everest. The drive for more accomplishment and the need to be more â€Å"courageous† had persuaded Beck to follow the 1996 expedition. Beck sobbed as he stated that on May 10, 1996, he had realized, as he was near death, that what he had thought to be courageous was truly a relentless pursuit of success and goals and ambitions. He had risked his life in a cowardly and selfish way for his own fortune. Dr. Weathers had found that his irrational triumph of desire over sensibility was the most pathetic feat he was to face. Risking your life, such as mountain climbers do, is not an act of courage because it is backed by low self-esteem and is in pursuit for irrational goals and selfish success. Courage is denoted by Encarta Encyclopedia ’96 dictionary as the quality of the mind that enables one to face danger with confidence and resolution. Danger is defined as exposure to harm and should be faced with self -... Free Essays on THe Everest Disaster Free Essays on THe Everest Disaster The speaker’s words silenced the audience as he began, â€Å"On the night of May 10, 1996 a blizzard swept over Mount Everest, striking more than thirty mountain climbers with heavy snow, subzero temperatures, and unbelievably strong winds. In the next twenty-four hours, eight of the climbers, including three professional guides were dead. This night would become the most ill fated attempt ever to summit Mount Everest.† â€Å"Among these climbers was a 49-year old Dallas pathologist and an amateur climber, Dr. Beck Weathers, who was left to die in the icy storm 300 yards from his camp. Miraculously, Dr. Weathers survived and came back from his ordeal to speak of his experiences, and to tell us about some valuable lessons he has learned. Let’s welcome Dr. Beck Weathers.† I watched and listened as this man swayed his disfigured arms and explained that he had scaled the world’s largest heights and yet, still had not been at peace with himself. He had w anted more â€Å"courageous† success, because he had conquered all but the grand Mount Everest. The drive for more accomplishment and the need to be more â€Å"courageous† had persuaded Beck to follow the 1996 expedition. Beck sobbed as he stated that on May 10, 1996, he had realized, as he was near death, that what he had thought to be courageous was truly a relentless pursuit of success and goals and ambitions. He had risked his life in a cowardly and selfish way for his own fortune. Dr. Weathers had found that his irrational triumph of desire over sensibility was the most pathetic feat he was to face. Risking your life, such as mountain climbers do, is not an act of courage because it is backed by low self-esteem and is in pursuit for irrational goals and selfish success. Courage is denoted by Encarta Encyclopedia ’96 dictionary as the quality of the mind that enables one to face danger with confidence and resolution. Danger is defined as exposure to harm and should be faced with self-...

Best Practices for Social Science Writing Essay Example for Free

Best Practices for Social Science Writing Essay Practices (24) , social science (10) company About StudyMoose Contact Careers Help Center Donate a Paper Legal Terms & Conditions Privacy Policy Complaints When social scientists write their research papers, they usually discuss the methods that they employed in gathering and analyzing their data and the results that they were able to generate using these methods. They however seldom concentrate on the writing process itself (Cuba, 1997). Writing in the field of social science requires the use of insight and research to better understand and make concrete observations and findings about the various behavioral elements. There are many methods of conducting social science studies namely through observations, interviews, surveys and case studies. However, when one starts writing the research paper that would embody these pertinent findings, the writer usually faces the challenges that many social science writers encounter. These problems include the complexities of achieving clarity, the potential for committing biases, writing in the first-person perspective, the use of quotations and in-text citations to support the analysis, and formatting styles particular to the field of social sciences. When writing one’s own research paper, it is important for a scholar in the field of social science to have a grasp of the basic writing techniques peculiar to social science in order to produce an academic paper that is relevant, informative and worth reading. The prevalence of search engines and the use of the World Wide Web have made it easier for scholars nowadays to conduct their studies and research with ease and in an expeditious manner. The libraries and other academic centers which make available to the public the latest references has also contributed to a great extent to achieving academic quality of various writings. Complexities in Achieving Clarity Like any other field of study, effective writing requires constant practice. This entails continuous process of writing, editing and rewriting ideas and use of words to convey these thoughts clearly to the intended audience (Cuba, 1997). Oftentimes, students of social science put off writing their research paper until they have completed doing all their research and compiled their bibliography. This practice however sometimes leads to insufficient time in writing the paper itself. In order to achieve clarity when writing a social science research paper, Hult (1996) enumerated the two components that must be considered: rhetorical question and organization. The components of a rhetorical situation include 1) the writer’s purpose; 2) the writer’s persona; 3) the potential readers or audience; 4) the subject matter and; 5) the appropriate language or tone (Hult, 1996). In starting the research write-up, the writer must determine the purpose of his paper and he must be able to define it clearly throughout the entire paper. The purpose need not be complex. A simple purpose will do so long as the readers can have a grasp of what the research is all about. Writers in the field of social science must also avoid writing in the first-person persona as this will affect the objectivity of their research. Identifying the intended audience will also help the writer in deciding what specific issues to discuss and what areas to avoid. For example, a person writing in the field of political science will have to consider political analysts as his potential readers. The subject matter is the most important aspect of the rhetorical situation (Hult, 1996). A writer must carefully select his thesis statement and decide from the materials gathered what facts must be included as well as those which need not be discussed. Furthermore, the research writer might also consider providing a glossary of terms when writing on a technical subject in order to make it easier for the readers to understand the language and tone of the research paper. Omitting Biases and Avoiding First Person Writing Style It is not uncommon practice in the field of social science to write using the first person persona. Writing from the first person perspective however indicates subjectivity in arriving at one’s own research findings and this in turn diminishes the objectivity of the research. In order to be more persuasive, the writer must couch his paper from a third person perspective so as to avoid the impression that he is impelled more by his own biases rather than reporting the facts gathered from relevant data. Omitting biases should be the foremost consideration of every social science writer because this field requires objectiveness and keen understanding of the facts and data. Unlike writers in the field of literature who have unbridled discretion to unleash their feelings and emotions in their papers, social science writers are bound by their duty to report the facts as they appear and not as they think it should be. The field of social science is primarily detail-oriented and must be supported by relevant, empirical, and reliable facts. In order to avoid biases, the writer must always dwell on the facts gathered and must use relevant sources to support his findings. Primary and secondary sources play an important role in the persuasiveness of one’s research work because the extent of the credibility of a research paper is to a great extent determined by the depth of research done by the researcher to support his study. The writer must also avoid labeling his chosen population or individual participants to avoid offending the readers. When dealing with a particular ethnic group or race, it is advisable to call them as they would like to be called. In order to avoid language biases, use the terminology applicable in the research itself. For example, when reporting on a study conducted on two types of participants, it is advisable to describe them according to how they were classified in the given study provided the labels are in themselves not offensive per se. Minimizing the Use of Quotations A writer’s source material must be in the form of paraphrases and summaries. However, paraphrased materials must still be properly documented either through in-text citations or footnotes or endnotes. Hult (1996) added that putting source material in your own words will improve the flow of your paper since the paraphrased style will blend with your own writing style and will thus contribute to its consistency. Minimize the use of direct quotations. The use of too many direct quotations distracts the reader and it also minimizes coherence of the writing style. It also leaves the impression that the writer knows little about his topic and is in fact relying heavily on what others have come up with (Hult, 1996). What the writer can do is paraphrase or summarize the portion of the materials used and document it properly. If using direct quotes cannot be avoided, the following principles are helpful in incorporating them smoothly in the research paper. First, when using quotations with four lines or less in length, enclose them with quotation marks and incorporate them in the text. Second, quotes should be introduced using the verb tense which is consistent with the tense of the quoted material. Third, change the capital letter to lower case and vice versa, within the quote if necessary. Fourth, enclosed in brackets the letter or words inserted inside the quoted material to separate them from the quoted material itself. Fifth, use ellipsis to signal that a material has been omitted from the quote. Sixth, punctuate the direct quote as it appears from the original. Seventh, a period or a comma which is part of the quote should be placed inside the quotation marks. Eighth, use a colon to introduce a quote which is more than one sentence or if the introductory material prior to the quoted portion is too long. Ninth, use a comma for short quotes (Hult, 1996). Using In-text Citations to Support Analysis A researcher who intends to make use on in-text citation in his write-up should keep in mind the American Psychological Association (APA) style which requires the use of past tense or present perfect tense when referring to earlier research materials. For example, it is incorrect to say â€Å"Smith (2008) states that†¦Ã¢â‚¬  when referring to Smith’s research findings. Instead, the researcher must employ the past or present perfect tense; hence, the in-text citation should appear like this: â€Å"Smith (2008) stated/has stated that†¦Ã¢â‚¬  In-text citations must follow the author-date format under the APA citation style, e. g. , (Smith, 2008) and a complete documentation of the source must appear in the reference list. Electronic sources are cited in the same manner as citing a printed document, e. g. , (Purdue University Online Writing Lab, 2008). For sources with no date available, place â€Å"n. d. † (meaning â€Å"no date†) after the author’s last name, e. g. , (Smith, n. d. ). Formatting Expectations A writer must see to it that his paper is professional in appearance. This is not to say however that attention to format should be every social science writer’s foremost consideration. It is also equally important to confer with your instructor as to what should be the appropriate format style for the particular paper. When preparing the paper, it is best to be conservative when it comes to formatting style rather than be ostentatious and vulgar, thus making the paper look less serious and informal. Hence, margin must not be justified on both side of the page but only on the left side only. The American Psychological Association (APA) is the most commonly used citation style format in the field of social sciences. The guidelines provided under the APA provides a useful tool in writing research papers, using in-text citations and reference page and using footnotes or endnotes. Under the APA formatting style, page headers are required to be placed in the upper right-hand of every page. This page header must contain the first two to three words of the title followed by the page number. The title page should already show include the page header. A running head must also appear on the first line of the title page flush-left. On the upper half of the page, centered, the full title of the paper, the name of the writer and university or affiliation must be indicated (Purdue University Online Writing Lab, 2008). Research papers are normally comprised of the title page, the abstract (if appropriate), the main body, the references, and the appendixes (if appropriate). The abstract need not be written for short research papers but for published research reports, an abstract is always required regardless of the length of the paper (Hult, 1996). Appendix may be used to include raw data and other information that need not appear in the main body but is likewise important in the research paper. It is located after the reference page and is labeled sequentially in letters. The reference page must include all the sources used in the research paper. The sources must be in alphabetical order by author’s last name and need not be numbered. Conclusion Writing is a necessary aspect of social research (Cuba, 1997). A good research means that the writer gave great effort in collecting and organizing his data as well as in organizing his findings in a coherent and scholarly manner suitable to the academic community he intends to present his study to. In preparing the research paper, every writer in the field of social science must consider the pertinent style guides applicable. The writing process is an analytic strategy that can only be improved through practice. This necessarily means that every social science researcher preparing his paper must open to revisions. The first draft must not be the final paper. Every writer must be also be willing to take constructive criticism from his colleagues because all too often, a writer cannot see the errors of his own work unless others point them out. Letting others read your research paper will help you in assessing some of the loopholes in your own arguments. Writing in the field of social sciences is an important aspect of the research itself because the manner in which a given study is presented contributes to the persuasiveness of the one’s findings and output. As such, it is important to be familiar with the writing techniques, styles, and formats applicable in your field of research so as to avoid mistakes and errors in presenting your research. The APA citation format style is a helpful tool in the social sciences and every scholar in this field must familiarize himself this formatting to avoid the inconvenience of revising and rewriting the research paper. The social science paper must be formal as to its structure and form and the writer must avoid using first person persona that is usually employed in the literary field. The sentences must be well-crafted and concise and must clearly reflect in a coherent and thorough manner the findings of the researcher without the need of extravagant words or details. Social science research writing is a challenging task for every writer. It requires practice and hard work just like collecting the data itself. It is an inevitable part of every researcher’s academic life and it cannot be avoided. Hence, every researcher must be familiar with the format and style peculiar to this field in order to increase the success of one’s research paper. References Cuba, Lee (1997). Short Guide to Writing About Social Science (4th Ed. ). Addison-United States: Wesley Educational Publishers Inc. Gerring, John, Yesnowitz, Joshua & Bird, Stephen (2004). General Advice on Social Science Writing. Retrieved August 1, 2008 from http://people. bu. edu/jgerring/documents/Adviceonessaywriting. pdf Hult, Christine (1996). Researching and Writing in the Social Sciences. Boston, Allyn and Bacon. Hess, Diana (2007). From Banished to Brother Outsider, Miss Navajo to An Inconvenient Truth: Documentary Films as Perspective-Laden Narratives. Social Education 71 (4), 194-199. McDonald, Susan, MD. Social Science Writing Guide. Retrieved August 1, 2008 from http://www. emayzine. com/lectures/writing. htm Mullen, Carol (2006). Best Writing Practices for Graduate Students: Reducing the Discomfort of the Blank Screen. Retrieved August 1, 2008 from http://cnx. org/content/m14054/latest/ Przeworski, Adam and Salomon, Frank (1995). The Art of Writing Proposals: Some Candid Suggestions to Social Science Research Council Competitions. Social Science Research Council. Retrieved August 1, 2008 from http://fellowships. ssrc. org/art_of_writing_proposals/ Purdue University Online Writing Lab (OWL) (19 June 2008). APA Formatting and Style Guide. Retrieved August 2, 2008 from http://owl. english. purdue. edu/owl/resource/560/01/http://Web address for OWL resource. Watts, Michael. The Holy Grail: In Pursuit of the Dissertation Proposal. Institute of International Studies. University of California, Berkeley. Retrieved August 1, 2008 from http://globetrotter. berkeley. edu/DissPropWorkshop/process/InPursuitofPhD. pdf Best Practices for Social Science Writing. (2016, Aug 01). We have essays on the following topics that may be of interest to you

Work within a Legal and Ethical Framework Assignment

Work within a Legal and Ethical Framework - Assignment Example She is telling Scott that when she last had her hair done, Eleni’s mother had told her that all was not well between her and Eleni’s father, and that a possible separation was being discussed. 1.Is this ethical behaviour? Which Code of Ethics guidelines would assist you in ?this decision and how? 5 marks ?2.What will you do in the short-term? What would be your longer term team ?strategy? 5 marks What is going on now is not ethical behaviour. Usually, most basic Codes of Ethics focus on human dignity and the respect for human dignity. Belinda talking about what Eleni had told her about possibly splitting up from Scott (the father)—was not only unethical, but even moreso if it occurred in front of the children. Even if these comments by Belinda were not made in front of the children, such behaviour still shows a great lack of respect on the part of Belinda for discussing a personal matter between the parents in front of other parties. In the short-term, it would b e advisable to let Belinda know that it is not acceptable behaviour to discuss such a topic without Eleni’s knowledge. Belinda should be alerted that this is unethical behavior. As a longer-term strategy, Belinda should be alerted also to the fact that the relationship between Eleni and Scott is delicate and that it is really none of her business to discuss the couple’s private business, especially if children are present. That is really none of Belinda’s business and someone should definitely let her know her place. She could severely damage the relationship between Scott and Eleni by spreading such malicious gossip. It is against several different codes of ethics to slander people in such a manner. In this way, Belinda should be warned that this is not ethical behaviour—at any rate—and that it should be stopped immediately or told that she will face charges of ethics violations. Task 2: Work within the roles and responsibilities of a childcare ?w orker (10 marks) The room leader is going on holidays and Nikki has asked you to be responsible for the ?children’s program whilst she is away. The room leader will be absent for a month. 1 How does this request fit within your job description as an untrained child carer? 5 marks 2. Based upon this, what would be your response to Nikki? What issues would you need to discuss and agree upon? 5 marks As an untrained child carer, being the children’s program room leader would not be a job that I could responsibly complete. Based upon this, my response to Nikki would be that I could not take on the role or responsibility that she has as room leader at the daycare center. The issues that would need to be discussed and agreed upon is how I could feasibly be the room leader. One way to possibly substitute for Nikki would be if I were to be supervised by someone who had the appropriate educational degree and/or experience comparable to that of someone who is a room leader at th e children’s daycare center. It is important that these issues be addressed because Nikki cannot simply go on vacation and leave the children hanging in the balance. She must make appropriate plans as to how the children will be cared for—and if she cannot make plans for who will supervise the children while they are being cared for, the facility should either be shut down for the month that she is gone—or she should effectively find someone else who can take over her position, either temporarily or permanently. This is her responsibility and she must make the appropriate arrangements or else close the school. The children are her first priority. In the event that she does not want to close the school, Nikki should make arrangements to hire a suitable replacement either on a temporary, contingency basis—